Rail Transit

that second on-board employee

A reader asks:
My question relates to the relationship between frequency and capacity.  In Boston on the MBTA … for many of the trains, there are 2 employees running the train.  On the Green line, trains are 2 cars long, with a driver in the first, and in the second an operator responsible for opening and closing doors and making sure no one gets on without paying.  For the other lines, the 2nd operator only has to open and close doors because you need to pay to get into the stations.
 
To me, it seems like a waste to have to pay a second individual to open and close the doors.  Outside of the highest frequency travel times, and even possibly during those, wouldn't it be better for travelers to have service twice as often even at half the capacity?  Outside of the truly busy travel times, trains rarely run anywhere near capacity.  Especially on weekends and in the evening, trains are never full but the less frequent service does not encourage those spontaneous transit trips that are so vital to urban life.
This is not my core expertise, but my understanding is that generally this is right:  the second employee is usually a holdover from days when fare collection and monitoring of doors had to be done manually.  The job often survives because it's coded into labor contracts and sometimes also into regulations.

I am unaware of anything that non-driving on-board employees do that would be utterly impractical to automate today, the best evidence for which is that trams, streetcars, light rail, and heavy rail can be found operating with a single employee all over the world.   (Fully grade separated heavy rail, of course, can also be run with zero on-board employees, liberating the agency to operate intense frequency even late in the evening.)  Fare collection is increasingly handled by Proof of Payment systems which feature roving fare inspectors.  While these fare inspectors have a cost, their number is not directly related to the number of vehicles in service, so they are not such a direct barrier to increases in service. 

Frequency is driven by staffing requirements rather than vehicles, so the number of employees on board is the dominant variable determining how frequently any line can be run.  Only during the peak commute period is the availability of vehicles a significant element of the frequency decision.
As you would expect, however, any local debate about turning second employees into drivers of additional service will be fraught.  It is very easy for opponents (usually including the unions) to make generalized allegations about safety and security because most people feel safer and more secure if there's an employee nearby.  So it's politically hard to do.

This is one of those issues that is intensely local, and where examples of experience from other cities just have trouble penetrating a local debate.  It happens even in Europe.  See for example the peculiar fare-collector job that exists on Amsterdam trams.  A little cubicle placed at the middle of each tram contains an employee who serves as a cashier, selling tickets.  Boarding and circulation on Amsterdam trams is awkward, and effective capacity much reduced, because you're required to board only at certain doors and exit at certain others.

This second employee on Amsterdam trams is, as near as I can tell, unique in Europe; everywhere else trams run with one employee (the driver) and roving fare inspection.  Get a European transit professional going on how bizarre this Amsterdam practice is.  It's great fun over a beer.  But they can also explain, politically, why it will probably never change. 

If readers know of recent stories where second employees have been successfully removed and retrained as drivers, thus allowing more service, please post a link in the comments.

sorting out rail-bus differences: endnotes

This post is an endnote to my post "sorting out rail-bus differences." Read that first.

I took as a starting point the results of an Infrastructurist survey, which gathered and published "36 reasons that streetcars are better than buses."  I used these to sort perceived rail-bus differences into three categories:

  • Misidentified Differences.  Issues such as propulsion and exclusive right of way that may differentiate a particular rail line from a particular bus line, but are not intrinsic to rail or buses.
  • Cultural Feedback Effects.  Differences that result from how people think about or perceive the difference.  These are profound influences on existing ridership, investment outcomes, etc. but come with the caution that culture changes but geometry doesn't.
  • Intrinsic Differences.  These few items, only 6 of the 36, really are rail-bus differences.

Several items on the Infrastructurist list are either duplicative or are combinations of several issues, so I streamlined them, and added others of my own, in producing the main post.   Several readers wondered why there wasn't a one-to-one correspondence between the items in my post and the original Infrastructurist items, so I've added these notes to show how my post derives from the original.   Bold is the original Infrastructurist text, followed in each case by my response in plain text. 

  1. New streetcar lines always, always, get more passengers than the bus routes they replace.  Cultural Feedback Effect.
  2. Buses, are susceptible to every pothole and height irregularity in the pavement (and in Chicago we have plenty). Streetcars ride on smooth, jointless steel rails that rarely develop bumps.  Intrinsic difference in "ride quality," though pavement can obviously be maintained to higher standards.  Score 25% Cultural Feedback Effect, 75% intrinsic.
  3. Streetcars don’t feel “low status” to transit riders. Buses often do.  Cultural Feedback Effect.
  4. Mapmakers almost always include streetcar lines on their city maps, and almost never put any bus route in ink. New investment follows the lines on the map.  Cultural Feedback Effect.
  5. The upfront costs are higher for streetcars than buses–but that is more than made up over time in lower operating and maintenance costs. In transit you get what you pay for.  Intrinsic difference, though with a lot of caveats, and certainly not universally true of rail-bus tradeoffs.  Score 50% intrinsic.
  6. There is a compelling “coolness” and “newness” factor attached to streetcars.  Cultural Feedback Effect.
  7. Streetcars feel safer from a crime point of view.  Cultural Feedback Effect.  If this difference in "feeling" results from differences in design unrelated to the rail-bus difference, such as better lighting at streetcar stops as opposed to bus stops, then this is also a Misidentified Difference.
  8. Steel wheel on steel rail is inherently more efficient than rubber tire on pavement. Electric streetcars can accelerate more quickly than buses.  First item is intrinsic, though the difference is not large.  Second item is mostly about propulsion, which is a Misidentifed Difference.  Score 50% intrinsic.
  9. Streetcars don’t smell like diesel.  Propulsion is a Misidentified Difference.
  10. Streetcars accelerate and decelerate smoothly because they’re electrically propelled. Internal-combustion engines acting through a transmission simply cannot surge with the same smoothness.  Propulsion is a Misidentified Difference.
  11. The current length limit for a bus is 60 feet, but streetcars can go longer, since they are locked into the rails and won’t be swinging all around the streets, smashing into cars.  Intrinsic difference, and the one most likely to be decisive.
  12. Streetcars have an air of nostalgia.  Cultural Feedback Effect.
  13. New streetcar and light rail lines usually come with an upgraded street experience from better stops, landscaping, new roadbeds, and better sidewalks, to name a few. Of course, your federal transit dollar is paying for these modernizations, so why wouldn’t cities try to get them!  Cultural Feedback Effect.
  14. Perhaps the most over looked and significant difference between street cars and buses is permanence. You’ll notice that development will follow a train station, but rarely a bus stop. Rails don’t pick up and move any time soon. Once a trolley system is in place, business and investors can count on them for decades. Buses come and go.  Cultural Feedback Effect.
  15. Streetcars are light and potentially 100% green. Potentially they could be powered by 100% solar and/or wind power. Even powered with regular power plant-derived electricity, they are still 95% cleaner than diesel buses. [Source? -Ed.]  Propulsion is a Misidentified Difference.
  16. Streetcars stop less. Because of the increased infrastructure for stops, transit planners don’t place stops at EVERY BLOCK, like they do with buses (SEPTA in Philly is terrible for this). Instead, blocks are a quarter to a half mile apart, so any point is no more than an eigth to a quarter mile from a stop.  Misidentified Difference.  To the extent that bus stops are too close together becuase planners think that buses are or should be intrinisically slow, this is also a Cultural Feedback Effect.
  17. People will travel longer distances on streetcars. At one point, in the 1930s, a person could travel to Boston from Washington solely on trolleys, with only two short gaps in the routes.  Cultural Feedback Effect.
  18. Buses are noisy. I ride them every day in Chicago, and I am constantly amazed at how loud a diesel bus engine is–even on our latest-model buses [and] the valve chatter is an irritant to the nervous system. By comparison, streetcars are virtually silent.  Propulsion is a Misidentified Difference.
  19. Technological advances already make the current generation definitely NOT your grandfather’s streetcar. Low floors are standard, for easy-on easy-off curbside boarding. Wide doors allow passengers to enter or exit quickly. So streetcar stops take less time than buses.  Misidentified Difference.  Good Bus Rapid Transit vehicles have all of these features; some even have doors on both sides.  The only difference that's intrinsic here is some limits on internal configuration required by wheelwells, but in a well-designed vehicle this doesn't affect boarding time.
  20. Passengers can take comfort from seeing the rails stretching out far ahead of them, while ever fearing that the bus could take a wrong turn at the next corner and divert them off course.  Cultural Feedback Effect.  Good Frequent Network mapping and BRT-level infrastructure for stops can equalize this for buses.  Note also that this supposed assurance provided by rails really works only in cities that have just one or two streetcar lines.  Streetcar-rich Toronto and Melbourne have tracks in so many of the streets that there are plenty of opportunities for a wayward streetcar to go off course, if you really want to be paranoid about that. 
  21. Once purchased (albeit at high cost) streetcars are cheaper to maintain and last way the hell longer (case in point, streetcars discarded in the US in the 40’s, snapped up by the Yugoslavs, which are still running).  Intrinsic difference.
  22. Streetcar tracks are cheaper to maintain than the roadways they displace.  Not if the streetcar tracks are in the roadway, where they are additional to the roadway rather than a "displacement" of it.  Score 50% of an intrinsic difference.
  23. People get notably more excited about the proposed extension of the streetcar system and expect revitalization of the neighborhoods around the planned stops.  This is practically the definition of a Cultural Feedback Effect.
  24. Streetcars create more walkable streets. This is because streetcars, as mentioned above, are more attractive to riders than buses, which in turns prompt to more mass transit usage in general, which in turns prompts to more walking–a virtuous cycle that creates more attractive city streets.  Cultural Feedback Effect.
  25. Most European cities and countries kept investing in public transit during the decades when America was DISinvesting. Now I look across the pond and see dozens of European cities extending or building new rail transit systems, including many streetcar lines, and conclude: ‘They probably know what they are doing; we should do some of that too.’  Cultural Feedback Effect.
  26. You know exactly where a streetcar is going – but have you ever tried looking at a bus route map?  Misidentified Difference.  To the extent that bus maps are incomprehensible because the transit agency mapmaker accepts the notion that buses are intrinsically confusing, this is also a Cultural Feedback Effect.
  27. Streetcars are faster than buses or trackless trolleys (aside from 2 lines in Philly, do any other cities run trackless trolleys, or trolley buses anymore?) because trams tend to have dedicated lanes. Even if they don’t, if they operate on streets with multiple lanes, people stay out of the tram lane, because it’s harder to drive a car along tram tracks (the wheels pull to one side or the other as they fall into the groove).  Right-of-Way is a Misidentifed Difference.  Driver behavior is a Cultural Feedback Effect. 
  28. In buses you’re still jostled by every pothole and sway at every bus stop. I thought bus rapid transit would be a significant improvement – there’s still a bit of sway and they concrete was not installed as smoothly as line of steel rail.  This is a duplicate of Item 2, which I scored 25% Misidentified Difference and 75% intrinsic.
  29. With buses transit planners are pushed by funding formulas to capture every pocket of riders thus you can get a very wiggly route – something that’s less practical on a fixed rail system.  Misidentifed Difference, arising from a Cultural Feedback Effect.  Tell your planners you don't want wiggly routes, and they'll be happy not to draw them. 
  30. Buses lurch unpredictably from side to side as they weave in and out of traffic and as they move from the traffic lane to the curb lane to pick up passengers. In streetcars turns occur at the same location on every trip, so that even standees can more or less relax knowing the car is not going to perform any unpredictable lateral maneuvers.  Score this 50% a Misidentified Difference, because much can be done to reduce lateral motion in buses (bus bulbs rather than indented stops for example.)  Guided busways are also out there as an option, one that's only now really developing.  Score 50% an Intrinsic Difference. 
  31. Most streetcar riders don’t consciously think about the differences between a bus ride and a streetcar ride. But their unconscious minds–the spinal cord, the solar plexus, the inner ear and the seat of the pants–quickly tally the differences and deliver an impressionistic conclusion: The streetcar ride is physiologically less stressful.  This is a complex mixture of propulsion issues — which are Misidentified Differences — and the Intrinsic Difference of ride quality.  Score 50% intrinsic. 
  32. An internal-combustion engine is constantly engaged in hammering itself to death and buses tend to vibrate themselves into a sort of metallurgical dishevelment. Interior fittings–window frames, handrails, floor coverings, seats–tend to work loose and make the interior look frowzy and uncared-for. By age 12 the bus is a piece of junk and has to be retired. A streetcar the same age is barely into its adolescence.  Propulsion is a Misidentified Difference.
  33. Streetcar stops are typically given more attention than most bus routes and the information system is more advanced. In Portland, the shelters even have VMS diplays that tell you the times of the next two streetcar arrivals. This valuable information gives people the option to wait, do something else to pass the time, or walk to their destination.  Customer information is a Misidentified Difference.  (Some major Portland bus stops also have real-time arrival displays.) 
  34. One great advantage of streetcars is that the infrastructure serves as an orienting and wayfinding device. The track alerts folks to the route and leads them to stops. Because they are a permanent feature of the streetscape, the routing is predictable and stable (unlike bus routes). So unlike a bus, a streetcar informs and helps citizens to formulate an image of their city, even if folks don’t ride it. It is a feature of their public realm. Because of this, these streets get greater public attention.  Cultural Feedback Effect.
  35. When you ride one of the remaining historic cars in Toronto or San Francisco you can tell they’re “old” in the sense of “out of style,” but when you look around the interior everything still seems shipshape, nothing rattles, the windows open and close without binding. The rider experiences a sense of solid quality associated with Grandma’s solid-oak dining table and 1847 Rodgers Brothers silver. And that makes everybody feel good. Unlike, say, an aging bus.  "Historic" is a Misindentifed Difference.  Maintenance effort is a Cultural Feedback Effect.  
  36. For those of you who cannot see the difference between a bus and a streetcar, I suggest riding a streetcar when you get the chance. Then, if you can locate a bus that more or less follows the same route, give that a try. Compare the two experiences.  This, indeed, is the starting point for this entire exercise.  Your bus and rail system have lots of differences, but most are not intrinsic differences between bus and rail.

That's how I got to the statement that six of the 36 are intrinsic.  There are many duplicates, which I counted, and many items that are mixtures.  There's nothing scientific about this analysis, just as there was nothing scientific about the process of developing the list of 36.  But I think the overall conclusion, that about a sixth of our impression of bus-rail differences is based on real and intrinsic bus-rail differences, is about right in my professional experience.

I feel the need to say, one last time, that to call something a Cultural Feedback Effect is not to imply that it's unimportant today.  These emotional factors may be supremely important, and if you weigh them consciously and decide that they should prevail, I have no reason to argue with you.  But when you decide to weigh a Cultural Feedback benefit above a geometric disbenefit (such as maneuverability in traffic), you're gambling that culture will be as constant as geometry and physics are.  And I wonder if that's true.

    sorting out rail-bus differences

    Here's a crucial passage from the book I'm working on, though it may will end up in the next book rather than this one [Human Transit].  The topic is emotive, so I'm trying to be very carefully factual here.  I welcome your critiques in comments.  If you disagree on a matter of fact, please provide a reference to a source. 

    In 2009, the then-popular [but now defunct] blog the Infrastructurist asked its readers whether streetcars are better than buses, and why.  Readers came up with 36 responses (listed verbatim here) that formed a good summary of popular perceptions about the rail-bus distinction.

    Of the 36 reasons, only six refer to an intrinsic difference between bus and rail technologies.  All the others fall into two categories, which I’ll call misidentified differences and cultural feedback effects

    Misindentified Differences

    In your city, the rail system has lots of differences from the buses, including technological differences. But that doesn’t mean that all these distinctions are true rail-bus distinctions.  For example:

    • Propulsion: electric vs internal combustion.   In most North American cities that have both bus and rail, the rail is electric but the buses use internal combustion (diesel, “clean diesel,” or various forms of natural gas).  Electric motors have obvious advantages – in emissions, noise, acceleration, and comfort – but none of these are true rail vs. bus differences.  Rail can be run by internal combustion, and buses can be electric.  If you want to compare your electric rail option with a bus option, compare it to electric trolleybuses.  If you want to compare your internal-combustion buses with a rail option, compare them to internal-combustion rail options such as the Diesel Multiple Unit (DMU).
    • Mixed-flow vs exclusive-lane operation.  Transit speed and reliability are mostly a result of how much you stop and what can get in the way.  Rail is more often run in exclusive rights of way, but some streetcars run in mixed traffic and some buses run in exclusive lanes.  Monorails never get stuck in traffic, but neither do buses in Brisbane, Australia’s busway system.  Most city buses can get stuck in traffic, but so can any streetcar, tram, or light rail vehicle that runs in a mixed traffic lane.  (A major problem for BRT in North America is that people keep taking junkets to Latin America, where BRT is powerful but the economic context is too different, rather than to Brisbane, where they could see high-end BRT working in a wealthy city.)
    • Off-board “proof of payment” fare collection vs. “pay the driver” fare collection.  Fare-collection style has big psychological effects.  “Pay the driver” slows down boarding and is a greater hassle for all concerned.  Some rapid transit sytstems (rail and bus) provide paid areas with faregates, eliminating this delay.  The other solution is “proof of payment,” which means that you buy a ticket on the platform (or already have a valid ticket) but you only show it if a roving “fare inspector” asks to see it.  If you don’t have one, you pay a fine.  Rail is more likely to use “proof of payment” than buses, but there are exceptions both ways, and there’s no necessary link between the rail-vs-bus choice and the fare collection system.  High-capacity bus systems are beginning to shift to “proof of payment” fare collection to eliminate fare-related boarding delay.  UPDATE: San Francisco now uses proof of payment on its entire bus system.
    • Frequency and Span.  Your whole rail transit system may be frequent, while some your buses aren’t, and in that case, you’ll naturally associate frequency with rail.  As we saw here, a good Frequent Network map, which shows both frequent rail and frequent buses, will clear up that confusion.  Buses can be very frequent, while some rail services can run infrequently or peak-only.  (We usually call those commuter rail.)

    Cultural Feedback Effects

    A community’s attitudes toward rail and bus technologies can easily affect they way they are operated and presented.  In short, people who believe that rail is better than buses will tend to act in ways that make that belief true.  For example;

    • Differences in investment or care.  A community that believes that buses are only for poor people, or that rail is the mode of the future, will under-invest in buses as opposed to rail, producing a difference in quality that will reinforce that belief.  It may also hold bus operations staff to lower standards than rail staff, and encourage other cultural differences between bus and rail operations that become real for the customer, but are not intrinsic to the bus-rail distinction.
    • Perceptions of permanence.  If you don’t stop to think about it, rails in the street will make a service feel permanent, especially if you’re used to hearing people tell you that rails imply permanence.  History clearly shows that rail systems do stop running if their market disappears.  True permanence lies in the permanence of the market, and that lies in the pattern of development [See Human Transit Chapter 14].
    • Perceptions of legibility.  The notion that a bus might do something unpredictable and a railcar won’t is also a cultural feedback effect, typically the result of insufficiently clear and compelling information about the bus network.  It is quite possible to build bus services with such a high level of investment in infrastructure, such as stops and stations, that the routing is as obvious as a rail line’s would be; the Los Angeles Orange Line bus rapid transit system is a good example. 
    • Regulatory differences.  Government regulation often enforces different rules for road transport as opposed to rail transport.  These regulations are themselves a kind of cultural feedback, differences in habit and history between agencies that regulate roads and those that regulate rail.  By enforcing different standards and safety requirements, these regulations can cause outcomes that amplify the apparent difference between road-based and rail-based transit. 
    • Different potential for mission-creep.  If you build a stretch of road for a busway, there’s always a danger that somebody might try to open it to cars.  If you don’t trust your government to protect the stated purpose of a facility, this can be a major decision factor.  This issue applies, however, to the narrow range of cases in which a road or lane is being built that could be useful to cars but is closed to them.  It is not an issue where the proposal is to reallocate existing roadspace from cars to transit, nor when building a higher-end busway whose design makes it useless to cars even if they were allowed on it.

    Intrinsic Bus-Rail Differences

    When we set aside those two categories and look at the differences that really follow, intrinsically, from the rail-bus distinction, there appear to be seven, and only the first three of them are always to rail’s advantage:

    • Capacity.  Where demand is high, rail can serve that demand at a higher ratio of passengers to on-board staff, which means that once you absorb the (often large) construction cost, you will be able to offer greater capacity for a given operating cost.  A transit vehicle that’s too crowded to board doesn’t meet any of our seven desires for useful service, so this point is often decisive in favor of rail.
    • Ride quality.   Ride quality in buses is improving, and guided busways may give buses an even more rail-like feel, but new rail systems will probably always have an advantage with their smoother running surface.   Is the smooth ride of rail indispensible to a useful network?  This can be a tough question whose answer may vary from one community to another.
    • Limited energy-efficiency and emissions consequences tied to the difference between tires and steel wheels.  Again, the primary factor governing energy-efficiency and emissions is propulsion (electric vs internal combustion), which is not intrinsic to the rail-bus difference.  However, there is a small range of differences that arise from the physics of steel-on-steel vs tire-on-road operation, and that favor the former.
    • Noise from wheel friction.  Most noise impacts are due to internal combustion, which either rail or buses may use, so that’s a misidentified difference.  Rail transit lines that intersect streets may be required to install noisy crossing signals — a valid response to the extreme weight of commuter rail trains but more controversial as applied to light rail.  These regulatory requirements may be cultural feedback effects.  But rail has a further noise disadvantage that really is intrinsic: the tight fit between steel wheel and rail causes noisy friction when going around curves, especially when going fast. 
    • Some variable cost differences.  Broadly speaking, bus-based projects that use portions of existing roadway will be much cheaper than building rail for those same segments would be.  Beyond that, costs for bus vs. rail projects can be hard to compare.  Capital costs for rail include vehicles, while a busway is sometimes run with an existing bus fleet.  Certain bus-rail comparisons in certain corridors may turn up significant differences in operating cost that may be valid in that situation, but need to be checked carefully to ensure that they assume the same factors on both sides.
    • Maneuverability around obstacles is a specific issue for rail in mixed traffic, usually light rail or streetcars.  In mixed traffic, minor obstructions routinely occur in a lane, especially if the lane is adjacent to on-street parking.  People stop in the lane to make deliveries, get into and out of taxis, and parallel-park.  Accidents and breakdowns happen.  If these events block a streetcar, the streetcar is stuck.  A bus, in the same situation, can often go around the obstruction and continue.
    • Ability to extend existing infrastructure.  If you’ve already built rail on a large portion the length of a travel corridor, it may be logical to build rail on the rest, so as not to create a technologically required connection.  On the other hand, busways can often eliminate extra connections because buses can run through the busway but then flow out onto ordinary streets.  In each case, an advantage goes to the technology that makes better use of the infrastructure that already exists, whether road or rail.

    Of course, in a particular transit debate, you may not have all of the choices that I’ve articulated here.   Still, it’s important to remember that most of the things you hear about why rail is better than buses are not true in the abstract, as facts of geometry or physics that follow from intrinsic differences between roads and rails. 

    It may very well be that rail is culturally better than buses in your city, in which case all you’re really saying is that people in your city think rail is better than buses and will therefore tend to act in ways that make that true.  If you’re interested in appealing to your current population, and motivating them to make investment decisions based on their current perceptions about the benefits of rail, that may even be a good reason to build rail even if you don’t need its intrinsic benefits. 

    But if you’re thinking in longer-range terms, don’t forget:  Attitudes, assumptions and perceptions will change over time.  Physics and geometry won’t.

    UPDATE!  See endnotes for this post here!

    the connection-count test

    As I look at the new metros being built in the developing world, I'm noticing some striking connection-count problems.  Consider Delhi, a city I know a bit:

    Delhi metro frag

    The full Delhi Metro network map is here, but this slice is the only part of the system where lines connect with one another. 

    What's wrong with this picture?  Well, suppose you want to go from Shivaji Park, on the green line in the upper left of the image, to Khan Market, in the lower right.  That's right: three connections.

    Developing a new metro in a crowded city is always an exercise in compromise, but I'm struck by how often one of the first compromises is network integrity, easily measured in the reasonableness of the number of connections required. 

    In an idealised grid network, the maximum number of connections for almost any trip is one.  Plenty of real-world networks require two connections for a range of trips between secondary stations.  But requiring three is pretty remarkable. 

    Quote of the Week: Transit Construction Costs in the U.S.

    It seems like every time I read about a metro line outside the United States, except in the UK, it is way cheaper than we can do. … Alon Levy has contrasted the cost of subway construction in New York with the much lower costs in Tokyo, for example. We seem to have a system in the US that significantly inflates the cost of construction vs. the rest of the world. Many of the typical complaints as to why this might be would seem to have no merit. Other countries are heavily unionized and regulated, for example, so don’t blame organized labor. (South Korean unions are famously militant). Spain and Japan are not exactly low cost countries. And basically all new systems world are fully compliant with equivalents to the [Americans with Disabilities Act].

    — Aaron Renn, the Urbanophile

    I keep hearing this observation about US construction costs.  It’s totally outside my expertise, but if anyone has seen a satisfactory explanation of why US transit construction is so expensive, please link to it in a comment.

    The Chinese Tunnel-Bus, or Train, or Whatever

    Old news, I know.

    Chinese tunnel train image007 Chinese designers have come up with an innovative cost-effective public transport system: the tunnel bus.

    The remarkable bus straddles two lanes of traffic, allowing cars to drive underneath while it carries up to 1,200 passengers.

    It’s environmentally sound too because it runs on electricity, using a state-of-the-art charging system. Called relay charging, the roof of the bus conducts electricity and contacts special charging posts as it moves along.

    Engadget links to a video in Chinese explaining the concept, which is pretty clear even if you don’t know Chinese.  A trial line is planned in Beijing, so we won’t have to debate it in theory for much longer.

    But this is interesting:

    It’s cost-effective because there are two ways it could operate: first off, special tracks could be laid into each side of
    the road, like a tram.

    Or secondly, simple coloured lines could be painted onto the road for it to follow automatically on conventional tyres. There’ll be a driver on the bus at all times, though.

    I’m not sure how that makes it cost-effective, but it does have the effect of reducing the bus-rail distinction an almost academic quibble.

    Either way, this is going to be a large structure resting on narrow wheels.  It could be on rubber tires but linked to an optical-guidance system (sensors on the vehicle responding to a painted line on the pavement) and the effect would be the same as if it were on rails:  a controlled path with little or no lateral motion.

    So is it a train or a bus?  Who cares?

     

    Moscow: Questioning the Circle Line

    Mosmetro2010 Frequent commenter Alon Levy found a glossy English-language PDF (part 1, part 2) from Moscow’s Metro, showing off the latest stations and performance statistics. He has a question about the Circle Line:

    The circular line is not well-patronized by local standards. It ranks 6th out of 11 in ridership. Its problem, I think, is that its radius is too small; it was built as a reliever for the central radial/radial transfer points, but is not as useful by itself. This is different from the Yamanote and Oedo Lines and especially Seoul’s Line 2, which are really multiple lines joined together as a circle.

    Do you think my explanation here is correct? Or could there be other factors why some circular lines work better than others?

    First things first:  ranking 6th out of 11 in ridership is a meaningless statistic.  All that matters is ridership per unit of service (e.g. per train hour) if you want to evaluate the use of the service itself.  You can also talk about ridership per route km or per station if you want to evaluate the use of the infrastructure.  Ridership figures mean something only when compared to some unit of investment, or when compared to the same service in a different time period.  Transit lines are of vastly different sizes and scales, so the ridership on a transit line means nothing when compared directly to any other transit line.

    As usual, you can find lots of cool maps of the Moscow Metro with a touch of Googling.  I like this one.  But the short answer to Alon’s question is this:  Wikipedia gives the circumference of the Circle Line as 19.3 km.  Let’s imagine for simplicity that the line really is an exact circle, and look at the geometry.

    A circumference of 19.3 km gives us a diameter of 6.1 km.  So the longest one-way trip you could want to make on the Circle line is 6.1 km linear distance away, though via the Circle Line it’s 9.15 km (half the circumference).  Many of those trips, though, are served more directly by one of the many radial lines, most of which flow through across the city.

    So note one geometric challenge of any circle line:  Nobody will ever want to ride more than half of it, because if you ride more than halfway around the circle, the trip would have been shorter if you’d ridden the line the other way.  By contrast, all of the radial lines of the Moscow Metro are useful for long trips as well as short ones.

    This is actually a corollary of an even more basic piece of transit geometry, which is that if you imagine an area of even density, the transit line that will cover the largest area with the smallest number of line-km is a straight line, not a curved or bending line.  A straight line also has the unique feature of being the shortest path between any two points on the line, whereas a curved line is always longer than the shortest path.

    So the Circle Line will never be ridden more than 9.1 km.  When it is ridden 9.1 km, it will be for the purpose of going a linear distance of only 6.1 km.  That suggests to me that with some armwaving, the dominant tripmaking on the Circle line is probably trips of 3-6 km.  (Less than 3 km, your trip is often faster via surface transit, or even by walking, because of access time at subway stations.)

    That’s pretty short, a lot shorter than the average trip on most systems, and I bet it’s a lot shorter than the average trip on Moscow’s radial subway lines.

    So yes, successful circle lines (like London’s and Tokyo’s, and the one that Montréal is planning) are much larger than Moscow’s, so that even a trip around 1/4 to 1/3 of the arc of the circle is a fairly long corridor, usually 10 or more stations, which is the most direct link between all of those stations. On Moscow’s 11-station Circle Line, 5 stations is halfway around the loop, so you’re likely to be using the line to go only 2-4 stations.  That’s a pretty limited market for a single direction of a subway line.

    And remember, this basic geometry is true of circular surface transit too, whether bus or rail or tram, though surface transit requires less access time than subways and therefore can be useful for shorter trips, thus justifying smaller circles.

     

    Dissent of the Week: My Alleged “Bias” Against Rail

    I’m relieved to report that commenters who actually saw me give the presentation “A Field Guide to Transit Quarrels” seem to agree that I wasn’t displaying a bias toward or against particular projects, except perhaps for projects that were based on misunderstanding or ignoring some basic geometry.

    However, finally I have a comment that attacks me full-on, which gives me yet another opportunity to think about whether I do have a “modal bias.”  It’s from commenter Carl, who I believe saw the presentation in Seattle: Continue Reading →

    Los Angeles: Rail Has “Forced Ridership Down”?

    This Los Angeles Times article will be helpful to anyone wanting to grasp the rough contours of transit debates there.  As I’ve argued before, Los Angeles has emerged as a national leader in transit development, and probably offers the most hopeful models for how car-oriented cities can begin to refit themselves to shift demand to transit, with all the social, economic, and sustainability benefits that can imply.  Here’s the nub of of the remaining argument:

    “Overall, the push for rail has forced transit ridership down,” said Tom Rubin, a veteran transit consultant and former chief financial officer for the MTA’s predecessor. “Had they run a lot of buses at low fares, they could have doubled the number of riders.” Continue Reading →

    strasbourg: you can’t take it home with you

    IMG_1031 When any experienced streetcar/tram advocate starts talking about the magnificence of trams as a placemaking tool, sooner or later you'll hear about Strasbourg, capital of the Alsace region of France, right on the German border. 

    (Strasbourg has several claims to fame, apart from a substantially intact old city with layers extending back to the Renaissance.  As a traveler in Europe, I'm long past the cathedral-worshipping stage, but Strasbourg has the most astounding cathedral in Europe — a composition that seems built of vertical shafts of light as much as of stone.  It was the world's tallest building for over 200 years, and its mass displays an utter lack of proportion to the surrounding city that, if built 600 years later, would have been
    called Brutalist.  

    Strasbourg is also the seat of the European Parliament and Council of Europe, which make second only to Brussels in its importance to the EU.  But this is a transit blog …)

    Strasbourg was the first city to use the low-floor articulated tram design, a continuous space with hinged sections instead of multiple cars. 

    1 Full Tram

    2 Tram Interior

    Similar trams can now be seen in many other cities, including the circumferential trams of Paris.  Crucially, the whole Strasbourg tram network is new, designed for these trams rather than adapted from older high-floor styles.  The first line tram line opened in 1994, and much has been built in the last few years. 

    French Wikipedia amusingly describes the trams' design as futuriste — "futuristic."  In both languages, this term, when applied to transit vehicles, basically means "phallic/aerodynamic," i.e. "featuring rounded ends that are supposed to recall both airplanes and penises."  Needless to say, the aerodynamic needs that mandate this shape for airplanes and high-speed trains are largely irrelevant to a vehicle that spends most of its time under 50 km/hr.

    IMG_0931 

    If you're a regular HT reader or European traveler, you've seen trams
    like the one above.  This one's an Alstom Citadis, but Bombardier makes
    them too, and they're the current best standard, prominent in Bern and
    Paris among other cities.  The crucial idea is the continuous space,
    with articulated sections rather than distinct cars.  Vast windows and low floors help the tram's inner space feel like a continuation of the street.  Thanks to these windows, too, the trams are translucent from the outside; it's easy to see right through them, and their opaque parts are mostly at the base, so they feel less like the "walls" that massed transit vehicles can form in the streetscape.  (The newest European buses also have this feature.)  The only distinction between Strasbourg's standard tram and those
    I've seen elsewhere is the length of the tapered segment at the ends,
    which creates that insdispensable phallic/aerodynamic look. 

    Strasbourg seems, at first, to marry the ideals of rapid transit with the ideals of the urbanist pedestrian quarter.  Through the old center, the tram glides firmly through pedestrian precincts, ringing bells as needed. 

    IMG_1001 

    7 Tram Ped

    Once out of the centre, it slides into exclusive grass-track medians on major boulevards.

    8 Grass Track Cathedral 

    Outermost segments get up some speed, but average customer travel speeds
    are relatively low because the fastest segments are at outer ends where
    the fewest people are riding.

    Oddly, no effort has gone into making the streetside infrastructure as futuriste as the trams.  Stations are a pretty standard high-end European shelter, nothing special but functional.  Ticket machines are so frequently out of order that even my Lonely Planet guide in French mentioned this as an issue.

    IMG_0937 

    IMG_0934 

    But these small faults only underscore, by contrast, how well the trams work, both as transport and as elements of the streetscape. 

    IMG_1067

    The risk to Strasbourg visitors, of course, is that they'll want to buy the whole thing and take it home, as politicians are prone to do when visiting streetcar cities.  At the conference I attended in Amsterdam last month, Wijnand Veeneman of the Technical University of Delft mentioned Strasbourg in particular as an example of this problem of tourist shopping in urban public transport.  Even within Europe, there's a tendency for people to visit Strasbourg and say: "That's exactly what I want at home!"  And of course, for the right price, Alstom or Bombardier will sell you trams just like these.

    But the apparent success of Strasbourg's trams is really more about Strasbourg than it is about trams.  Most of the achievement depended on (a) distinctive features of Strasbourg's urban form and (b) many other changes to the city's transport system that happened together with the introduction of trams.

    Urban form first.  Strasbourg's size is such that most transit trips are manageable distances.  People aren't commuting 40km or more, as many do in Paris.  So trams, operating on the surface, and slowing down to penetrate the old urban core, could deliver reasonable travel times, so long as they did not mix with traffic.  For readers in North America and Australia, it's important to be clear that these are what you would call light rail, rather than what North Americans call streetcars and Australians call trams.  They are in exclusive right of way, interacting with signals but not with car traffic in their lane, and they serve fairly widely spaced stations — every 300m or more even when going through the central pedestrian zone, wider still as you get further out.

    It's also important that Strasbourg's streets are fairly wide, even in the old city.  There's nothing like the tight squeeze of Amsterdam's Leidsestraat, for example, where oncoming trams are forced to share single track to preserve pedestrian space.  Elsewhere, even in 18th Century areas, Strasbourg is a city of wide streets and often boulevards.  These have enough space here for exclusive lanes, usually grass track, for the trams.

    Other French cities of Strasbourg's size have built small underground metros, but Strasbourg has chosen to develop its trams as its top-level urban transit service.  The decision allowed the money to cover a larger area — Strasbourg's trams are much more extensive than the Lille and Rennes metros, for example.  But this same decision raised the stakes for the trams as a transit service.  It put pressure on the leaders and planners to define a high standard of speed and reliability and refuse to compromise it during the inevitable block-by-block debates about the tram's urban and traffic impact.  Again, the tram does go through pedestrian streets, at an appropriately low speed, but it moves assertively through these areas, bells warning pedestrians to get out of the way, and once it's out of the core and running in boulevard medians, it's as fast as any similar light rail anywhere.

    As for the concurrent changes to Strasbourg's traffic system, they were massive.  Most of the main pedestrian streets that the tram follows through the old city were pedestrianised only as the tram was introduced.  Cars were banned from large areas, apart from off-peak deliveries.  Parking in the core was reduced, mostly shifted to satellite locations from which people could take the tram into the core.  

    Introducing streetcars sounds easy, but once you explain the whole package to the visiting civic leader, they begin to grasp how hard this must have been politically.  Strasbourg looks beautiful and serene, but in political terms you could also see it as a battlefield memorial, recording a triumph that involved major pain and suffering.  Transit tourists should learn to watch for both elements when they visit an admired city: Not just the achievement, but also the lingering evidence of the struggle and sacrifice that it entailed.

    Sure, Alstom will sell you streetcars just like these.  But that won't turn your city into Strasbourg.